Michalis Koulouthros, Yavor Tarinski

The autonomous region of Rojava, as it exists today, is one of few bright spots – albeit a very bright one – to emerge from the tragedy of the Syrian revolution.
David Graeber[1] 

In the last decades the Kurdish struggle for freedom was not only a firm voice of resistance against the dominant social and political order, but also managed to formulate and initiate practical steps towards the realization of a liberated society. After many years of oppression, the Kurdish forces began to regroup, forming armed units of self-defense. During the period in which the leftist Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) was quickly turning into a regional political power, a new antagonistic example appeared in the midst of the Kurdish liberation movement, based on the values of democratic confederalism and autonomy.

Already before the beginning of the uprising in Syria, residents of Rojava had created the first self-organized councils and committees, and hence had begun to establish a radical democratic organization for the majority of the population in the region. Since June 19^th, 2012 the cities Kobane, Afrin, Derik and many other places were liberated from the control of the Syrian regime, revealing the power and the influence of the Kurdish struggle. Military bases were occupied and the overwhelmed government troops chose to surrender.

Nowadays this new paradigm of autonomy and self-organization is being threatened both by the Turkish army from the North and by fundamentalist theological forces from the South, like ISIS and al-Nusra – organizations who traditionally are aiming at imposing heteronomy, centralization,  patriarchy, theological violence and exploitation. Principles which the communities in Rojava strongly and actively oppose. In one of the most difficult geopolitical environments, they are laying the foundations of a new world based on democratic confederalism, gender and ethnic equality and community economy.

Democratic confederalism

In Rojava, we believe, genuinely democratic structures have indeed been established. Not only is the system of government accountable to the people, but it springs out of new structures that make direct democracy possible: popular assemblies and democratic councils.
Joint statement of the academic delegation to Rojava [2]

Despite the widespread belief that the contemporary social conditions are too complex and self-organized forms of social organization are doomed to work only on a small and embryonic level, the radical political organization of the communities in Rojava gives a modern example of autonomous self-institutionalizing and direct democracy. This is being achieved through the processes of the democratic confederalism.

The core of this system are the communes [3]. The communes, established in each province of 300 people, are general assemblies, allowing broad public participation. In the communes are being discussed issues concerning all aspects of social life, starting from the technical and administrative issues up to the political ones. Issues such as energy, food distribution, patriarchic violence and family tensions are being tested at the table of the political debate. Each commune set up local single-issue committees with the task to discuss more specific topics in order to avoid bureaucracy and ease the operation of the general meetings. It is important to note that it is required each commune to be consisted at least of 40% women.

Each commune elects 2 revocable delegates to participate in the regional councils, in which is done the coordination between different communes which make up each region. There again are being elected delegates to take part in the city council, and then according to population criteria are being established the cantons. The cantons are the broadest and most central form of political organization in Rojava and basically they function as coordinating body between the different cities.

Gender Equality

Before the revolution women had no ability to speak or make a decision. Now we have such an ability. We are active in every sphere. 
Jina Zekioğlu [4]

One of the most interesting parts of the social experiment that is currently taking place in Rojava is the role of women and the goals set up by local communities to achieve isomeric relations between the sexes. In a region such as the Middle East, which we are used to identify with the fundamentalist oppression of women and sexuality, the self-organized communities of Rojava provide a pioneering example of equality. The conscious political effort to equalize the relationship between men and women is reflected both institutionally, and socially. In the midst of an ongoing military conflict, usually favoring social automation, militarism and patriarchal imposition, the communities of Rojava are real proof that the political will and choice can overcome that which seems as necessity.

One characteristic example for this political goal are the women councils, formed by the communes. These are councils, within which no decisions on general issues are done, but are dedicated to the discussion of issues related to gender relations, violence against women and in general all questions concerning the relationship between the sexes. Of course this did not happen overnight. Already in 2003 was established the Free Democratic Women’s Movement (DÖΚΗ) [5], a grassroots organization fighting from back then sexism and patriarchy, but also more generally nationalism, militarism, environmental destruction, economic exploitation etc.

Internationalist character of the struggle

The fundamental basis of this “Social Contract” is the equality and rights of all ethnic, racial and religious groups in Syrian Kurdistan, direct democracy and the rejection of the concept of the nation-state.
Evangelos Aretaios [6]

A common misunderstanding is that when discussing the issue of Rojava it is usually being identified purely as national liberation struggle. In contrast however with the traditional national liberation movements, which usually are targeting the creation of nation-states and national consciousness, the communities of Rozava are aiming at self-institutionalization from below, promoting a new paradigm of territorial claim [7]. The core of the social organization ceases to be the national identity of each person, and its place is being taken by the form of politicized citizen participating in social affairs. It’s not by chance that in these communes participate people from all ethnic and religious groups of the area (Kurds, Syrians, Yazidis, Christians, Muslims etc.) with the only condition to respect the political principles of equality and horizontality.

Furthermore, in support with the resistance of Rojava have been established political forms of solidarity such as the Lions of Rojava [8], formed by volunteers from all around the world, fighting alongside the YPJ / YPG, reminding us for forms of solidarity, that we can see from the days of the Spanish Civil War. It should be added also that international missions of academics [9] are visiting Rojava in order to come in contact with the social experiment there and learn from the actual forms of enlarged self-institutioning.

Community economy

Though only just beginning, this economic model has, with great  determination and in spite of the war, been realised in praxis by many in Rojava.
Michael Knapp [10]

Another main characteristic of the struggle of Rojava, completing and deepening the above mentioned elements, is the alternative economic management it practically proposes. The economic organization of Rojava is a reflection of its political project. The communities themselves call it “community economy” [11] and all parts of the population participate in it through production and trade cooperatives. The main goal of its economic activity is not growth, but the creation of local autarchy. Except necessity (since Rojava is being isolated and surrounded by hostile environment), this is a political choice in the direction of social ecology and liberation from capitalist exploitation.

For couple of years now they are trying to develop these forms of community economy through the establishment of academies, promoting the cooperative spirit and organizing seminars and discussions on the benefits of collaborative production.

Through these economic structures they are trying to meet the needs of their communities and simultaneously to keep the “war economy” going, which they need since the constant military conflict.

Self-defense

In nature, living organisms such as roses with thorns develop their systems of self-defense not to attack, but to protect life.
Dilar Dirik [12]

The defense forces in Rojava resemble the principles of direct democracy and equality, embraced by the Kurdish communities. Men and women fight as equals since YPG (People’s Defense Units) and YPJ (Women’s Protection Units) military structures and battalions are separated, but there is no hierarchical relationship between them and the main barracks and the work systems are the same. Also military commanders are being elected by the battalion soldiers [13], based on their experience, commitment, and willingness to take responsibility.  Dedicated to enlightenment and political consciousness, the Rojavan defense forces have established academies which to provide ethical-political education to the fighters of the various units (YPG, YPJ, Asayish etc.). The provided education is mainly focused on gender equality, anti-militarism, dialectic resolving of disputes, the values of democratic confederalism etc.

Conclusion

We are not fortunetellers; we can’t possibly know what will happen in Rojava a month or a year from now. But we […] can’t just sit aside, watch what’s happening and comment…
DAF [14]

Because of these characteristics the struggle of the communities in Rojava can be viewed as integral part of the grassroots projects and radical endeavors, starting with the Zapatistas in Mexico, spreading to every corner of the Earth and culminating in global effort for social liberation, against both statist and capitalist management, theological obscurantism, exploitation, patriarchy and every form of oppression.

The positive aspects of the social experiment, taking place nowadays in Rojava, shouldn’t be neglected in the name of ideological/dogmatic “purity”, as we saw different libertarian organizations [15] taking stance against the events going on there, because of the historical background of some of the main characters in the Kurdish resistance movement (Öcalan, PKK etc.). Surely we have to keep in mind its authoritarian background but our attention should also be focused on the willingness of the Rojavan communities to open spaces of emancipation and participation, and how we could help them strengthen their democratic structures, become more self-sustainable and antagonistic to the dominant statist and capitalist forms, thus providing us with one more contemporary practical example for another society.

Notes:
[1]https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring-revolutionary-kurds-syria-isis
[2]https://roarmag.org/2015/01/statement-academic-delegation-rojava/
[3]https://new-compass.net/articles/rojavas-communes-and-councils
[4]https://rojavareport.wordpress.com/2014/02/16/the-women-of-rojava-have-broken-their-chains-part-ii/
[5]https://new-compass.net/articles/democratic-confederalism-and-feminism
[6]https://www.opendemocracy.net/arab-awakening/evangelos-aretaios/rojava-revolution
[7]https://roarmag.org/2014/08/pkk-kurdish-struggle-autonomy/
[8]https://thelionsofrojava.com/
[9]https://new-compass.net/articles/statement-academic-delegation-rojava
[10]https://peaceinkurdistancampaign.com/2015/02/06/rojava-the-formation-of-an-economic-alternative-private-property-in-the-service-of-all/
[11]https://new-compass.net/articles/rojavas-threefold-economy
[12]https://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Kurdish-Womens-Radical-Self-Defense-Armed-and-Political-20150707-0002.html
[13]https://towardfreedom.com/38-archives/women/4017-the-women-s-revolution-in-rojava
[14]https://www.anarkismo.net/article/27779
[15]https://libcom.org/news/anarchist-federation-statement-rojava-december-2014-02122014

Συνέντευξη του Κορνήλιου Καστοριάδη στην ΕΤ1, για την εκπομπή “Παρασκήνιο”, 1984. Το ντοκιμαντέρ περιγράφει τη ζωή και το έργο του φιλοσόφου, καθώς και το πέρασμά του απ΄τον μαρξισμό στο πρόταγμα της αυτονομίας.

Interview with Cornelius Castoriadis for the Greek television network ET1, for the show “Paraskinio,” 1984 (with English-language subtitles). This documentary describes the life and the work of Cornelius Castoriadis and his turning from Marxism to the ideas of autonomy.

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Yavor Tarinski

We are indeed conditioned by the contexts in which we live, but we are also the creators of our political and social constructions and we can change them if we are so determined. [1]
Mary Dietz

In the debate [2] between Simon Springer and David Harvey on what ideological frame the radical geography should adopt, Harvey’s proposal for letting radical geography free of any particular “ism” seems to make a lot of sense. And although their polemical texts discuss, at first sight, the matter of radical geography, in my opinion, they have also a wider importance for the whole question of the role of ideology in the project for social liberation and emancipation. With small exceptions, the proposal of freeing ourselves from ideology seems highly neglected from the movements for social emancipation, and I think this is a big mistake if we want to actually involve more people in them and act constructively.

We see activists and thinkers being busy with trying to keep their ideological/identical “purity”, often engaging in endless discussions on what is “anarchist”, “marxist” or whatever. Don’t get me wrong, I do not mean to abandon theory as such in the name of direct action. On the contrary, I think that theoretical research and critical thinking are essential for effective action. But Ideology must not be mistaken with theory.

Ideology and non-contextuality

The Situationist International defined Ideology as a doctrine of interpretation of existing facts [3], which can be understood as thinking in a non-contextual way. What this means is that the ideologue creates a certain type of analysis, influenced by his local context (social environment, economic development, culture etc.) and constantly tries to fit in it realities, born in different contexts, which often leads to non-understanding. We can see this clearly, for example, in the reactions of certain anarchists and marxists (having purist class analysis based solely on realities of 19th-century industrial Europe), which are judging the events in Rojava, searching there for “proletariat”, that does not exist in the classical Western sense [4].

In this line of thought, Ideology castrates the ideas one has, turning them into sterile/mummified dogmas that cannot exist beyond their initial form. The “ideologized” ideas become incompatible with realities/contexts that differ from the ones that have given them birth, and in a way, they become useless. The ideological non-contextuality obstructs both the theoretical research and the subsequent from it activity. Ideology creates the dogmatic notion of utopia and excludes everything that does not fit in it, even if there are some common principles (as we saw above in the case of Rojava), creating a sort of self-alienating elitist subculture.

Thus Ideology becomes more self-expressive than instrumental. It morphs into specific identity, often serving as an excuse for abdicating from broad social affairs. Instead, it creates its own circle of self-interest, open mainly to like-minded (sharing same Ideology) individuals who remove themselves voluntarily from the institutions and social networks of the society which they potentially could influence [5]. As Jonathan Matthew Smucker points out:

[…] when we do not contest the cultures, beliefs, symbols, narratives, etc. of the existing institutions and social networks that we are part of, we also walk away from the resources and power embedded within them. In exchange for a shabby little activist clubhouse, we give away the whole farm. We let our opponents have everything.

Because of its non-contextual character, Ideology can be viewed as part of the dominant nowadays imaginary, based on bureaucratic logic, which needs to frame everything into “comfortable” fixed boxes, i.e. strict social and political roles, thus creating and strengthening identity, rather than ideas. In her book The Emergence of social space, Kristin Ross describes how during the Paris Commune, Catulle Mendès (representing the pre-commune order) is not really mourning the drop in production but rather his anxiety stems from the attack on identity, since the shoemakers stopped making shoes, but barricades [6]. She traces this bureaucratic logic of narrow identity back to Plato, for whom in a well-constituted state a unique task is being attributed to each person; a shoemaker is first of all someone who cannot also be a warrior [7].

One characteristic of the bureaucratic logic is its inherent predisposition towards hierarchy, since some tasks and roles are more important than others. David Graeber, in an interview for the Greek political magazine Babylonia, defines Ideology as the idea that one needs to establish a global analysis before taking action, which presupposes that the role of intellectual vanguard (narrow ideologues-experts), have to play a leadership role in any popular political movement [8].

Beyond Ideology: Context is all

In order for modern social movements to really challenge the existing order, they will have to overpass the limits of the contemporary imaginary, based on bureaucratic logic and fixed political roles. In practice this means moving beyond ideology, i.e. locating desirable principles and results, and simultaneously making efforts at adjusting them to the local context. This does not mean to leave aside our ideals and to “go with the flow”, but on the contrary, to try to share them with as more people as possible, who most probably don’t share the same (or any at all) Ideology/dogma/political lifestyle. In so doing questions such as “is EZLN anarchist or not” [9] will become obsolete and replaced by “what do they propose, on what basis and principles, how and do we agree with what they do” and so on.

In the end, it depends on the goals we target with our struggles. If we strive towards social emancipation and direct democratic participation, we cannot but try to link various struggles, movements and as many people as possible and for this to happen, we have to change the way we express our ideas according to the interlocutor we have before us. As Aki Orr suggests: A society can be run by Direct Democracy only if most of its citizens want to decide policies themselvessince no minority, however positive its intentions, can impose it on society [10].

Steps towards this direction were made by Larry Giddings, who replaced the ideological label “anarchist” with the broader “anti-authoritarian” [11]. He did so after acknowledging that whether he recognizes non-anarchist struggles or not, they still exist, and by ignoring them because they don’t reflect his own notion of a “non-nation-state future”, he ignores his own desire for such. He reached the conclusion that de-centralized social and economic systems, organized in democratic, non-statist manner, will only come through common struggles by various movements and broad social involvement.

So instead of constantly trying to define what “true” anarchism is, he decided to try another approach: to locate the anti-authoritarian characteristics of various already existing social movements and to identify their common enemies (oppressors) and thus to connect them. And in order such connections to be made, narrow ideological narratives had to be abandoned and replaced by general anti-authoritarian culture, which can simultaneously be determined and itself to determine the context in which it was created.

Conclusion

Moving beyond Ideology does not mean abdicating from our ideas and principles but their constant reevaluation and development. To the fears that without ideological identities we will be absorbed by the dominant culture of political apathy and mindless consumerism we can answer with the creation of a broad citizen culture of autonomous individuals who are, before all, speakers of words and doers of deeds [12]. Such a broad concept, based, as proposed by Mary Dietz, on the virtue of mutual respect and the principle of “positive liberty” of self-governance (and not simply the “negative liberty” of non-interference), will keep the anti-authoritarian spirit while allowing for interaction with large sections of the society and the implementation in practice of our ideas in different contexts. Only one such approach will help us escape the “sectarianism” (with all the separatism and lifestylishness that stems from it) of the political movements haunting them from the beginning of 20^th century until nowadays.

Notes:

[1] Mary Dietz, Context is All: Feminism and Theories of Citizenship. in Dimensions of Radical Democracy. edited by Chantall Mouffe.1992. Verso Books. p79
[2] “Listen, Anarchist!” by David Harvey
[3] “There is no such thing as situationis, which would mean a doctrine of interpretation of existing facts.” (Situationist International) from Internationale Situationniste #1, Knabb, p45
[4] Mr. Anarchist, we need to have a chat about colonialism, by Petar Stanchev.
[5] Why We Can’t Depend On Activists To Create Change, by Jonathan Matthew Smucker.
[6] Ross, Kristin. The Emergence of social space. Verso 2008 p14
[7] Ibid. p13
[8] Crimethinc: Against Ideology?
[9] Back in 2002, the US journal Green Anarchy published a critical article of the Zapatista movement, named “The EZLN are not anarchist!”
[10] Abolish Power: Politics Without Politicians
[11] “Why Anti-Authoritarian?” an essay by Larry Giddings
[12] Mary Dietz, Context is All: Feminism and Theories of Citizenship. in Dimensions of Radical Democracy. edited by Chantall Mouffe. Verso Books. 1992. p75

Marietta Simegiatou

With its leaders in prison, Golden Dawn still managed to consolidate its electoral base. Where did the party come from and what are the latest developments?

Golden Dawn traces its roots back to the 1980s, though it was much less popular at the time, counting just a few members. It was first introduced as a magazine on nationalist issues and Nazi propaganda in December 1980. Its founder, Nikos Michaloliakos, inspired by his mentor, the dictator Papadopoulos, wanted to create an extremist closed-type organization that he would be able to control better. Although the group was initially opposed to any meddling in politics, purporting to be “much too pure for this dirty business” — unlike its peers of the time, such as National Political Union (EPEN) — its leader had been planning to put the group’s power to the test by running in elections as early as 1983. It was not until the 1990s that Golden Dawn became a political party. Its popular base remained minimal, however.

Then came the new millennium and Greece’s full integration into the Eurozone, with the adoption of the common currency and the gradual concession of external border control to supranational authorities. The start of the decade was marked by the war on terror and two consecutive wars in the Middle East — hence, billions of displaced persons and refugees. The lack of any planning to host the large migrant flows and the prevailing logic that immigrants were to be ‘pushed back’, whether it would be pushing them back to Greece under Dublin regulations or back to their countries of origin, generated feelings of ‘unwantedness’ and hostility against foreigners.

As a typical extreme-right party, Golden Dawn effectively parallels the nation with the state and ethnicity with citizenship. The establishment of an ethnically pure state, more than being a goal in itself, will also save the nation from national decadence. In this context, there has been a coordinated effort to highlight our ‘sense of patriotism’, our sense of being different to other cultures, with the pretext of safeguarding our ‘national identity’ — by asserting our ‘whiteness’, as opposed to Africa, or the Middle East, for instance. Xenophobia became a tool to prevent Greeks from losing their identity. This is an imposed fear considering that Greek people, rather than being xenophobic, have always been open and the first to assimilate imported lifestyles and — needless to say — were pioneers in spreading out their own culture and ethics.

Having always been on the crossroads of three continents, Greece would also have to assert its European identity, by presenting more similarities with its European or world partners than its neighboring Arab or African countries. Golden Dawn was given fertile ground to promote its anti-human ideology for the sake of ‘belonging’ and ‘identifying’ with the vision of a united Europe, with a consistent policy against external and internal threats.

Powered by the growing indignation against austerity and impoverishment, as well as by the hostility against the growing number of ‘strangers’, the Nazi party was able to turn its pariah status into an emblem of political purity and a desire for radical transformation of Greek politics. In the municipal elections of 2010, Golden Dawn managed to win 5% of the vote and one seat in the municipal council, while in the 2012 parliamentary elections, the party jumped to almost 7% and 18 seats in parliament. Surprises in the electoral result also included the villages of Distomo and Kalavryta (burnt to ashes by the Nazis), where the party doubled its votes from 2010 to 2012, evidencing the success of the shift in their propaganda from the image of Hitler to that of ‘true patriots’.

Rising street power

Golden Dawn’s covert agenda has always been domination over the streets by holding pogroms. In this context, the Nazi group spread its local offices in many low-income and heavily populated neighborhoods. It was free to launch organized and planned attacks against immigrants, homosexuals and ideological opponents, as though unilaterally ‘legitimized’ to do so, to ‘keep our race pure‘. Actions included open-air fresh markets and distribution of food for Greeks only, as well as other discriminatory street events. All of this was tolerated, if not backed, by the state, the police and the mainstream media.

Electoral results reflect the support the Nazi party enjoys among the police and the armed forces, considering that half the police and the army voted for Golden Dawn. Infiltration into soccer clubs to attract new members has also been standard practice. Furthermore, recent allegations about sponsorship by V. Marinakis, a shipping magnate, director of the soccer team Olympiakos and now a member of the Piraeus city council, appear to be well-founded.

In the general turmoil of the crisis, Golden Dawn’s street apparatus was called into action to virtually eliminate the “enemy.” On January 17, 2013, 29-year-old Christos Stergiopoulos and 25-year-old Dionysis Liakopoulos, riding a motorcycle and armed with butterfly knifes, attacked and killed the Pakistani Sahzat Lukman in cold blood as he was riding his bike. He was not the first. At the time, the Network for Registering Incidents of Racist Violence had recordedmore than 200 attacks against immigrants and had highlighted the need to take steps against organized groups of racist violence. The two perpetrators confessed immediately after their arrest, and the search of their houses revealed Golden Dawn election material and weaponry that would suit an ‘assault squadron’. Despite these facts, the police did not investigate the defenders’ links to Golden Dawn or any racist motive behind the killing, reducing the incident to a mere fight.

In July 2013, a Golden Dawn squadron of 100 people — most of them members of the offices in Piraeus and Nikaia — riding on 50 motorcycles attacked the free social space ‘Synergeio’ (Garage) in Ilioupolis, Athens, while an English class was being given to minors. After wrecking up the space, they heavily beat up the one person they could get their hands on, dragging him to the street in front of the eyes of witnesses. It was a sustained attack against a social space, whose very core is anti-fascism and anti-authoritarianism, launched by motorcyclists wearing Golden Dawn insignia, flying the flag of Golden Dawn and screaming nationalist slogans. The stormtroopers were led by Members of Parliament I. Lagos and N. Michos, as revealed by cell phone communications and by the presence of Lagos’ car (which was provided to him by Parliament) at the attack. Police motorcycles were seen next to the Nazis, watching over the attack.

The assassination of Pavlos Fyssas

On September 18, 2013, the ultra-nationalist party’s assault squadrons went too far: they chased down and stabbed activist, rapper and anti-fascist Pavlos Fyssas, a.k.a. Killah P, who was left to bleed to death on the pavement. They did this in the middle of a central street in one of the southern working-class districts of Athens, Keratsini, allegedly over remarks made by the rapper and his friends in a cafeteria that were overheard by Golden Dawn members, who then called in their thugs in a matter of minutes. Police was once again present and did nothing to prevent the assassination, but arrested the murderer, G. Roupakias, after pressure from passers-by and after he was recognized by the victim himself before he died.

The anti-fascist response was immediate: various demonstrations in Athens, Thessaloniki, Lesbos, Patras, Larissa and Komotini were called on the next day — all with a very high turnout — which were faced with the usual police repression and involved numerous arrests. Two days later, the anti-authoritarians’ and anarchists’ call for a common assembly in the Polytechnic School was attended by left-wingers, autonomous anti-fascists and local groups alike. Overcoming differences in beliefs and ways of action, a series of common assemblies were held among these varying forces that culminated in a big demonstration to close down the offices of the Nazi organization on September 25, 2013. Twenty thousand people marched in the streets of Athens to the offices of Golden Dawn and back, undaunted by the stun grenades and teargas of the police, who were waiting just in front of the Nazi headquarters. A few days later, the government would arrest Golden Dawn leader Nikos Michaloliakos and MPs Kasidiaris, Lagos, Panagiotaros and Michos in an operation that had — unsurprisingly — been kept secret from the press for days.

It is worth noting that the anti-fascist response was not organized from scratch. To the contrary, the anti-fascist movement had the impetus necessary to unleash all the forces of anti-authoritarians, anarchists, autonomists and other anti-fascists that throughout every phase in Greek history have been strong in their actions to eradicate any shred of fascism. That is why the anti-fascist movement never stopped. The assemblies following the events of Pavlos Fyssas’ assassination led to numerous other direct actions and a European Anti-fascist Meeting that was held in Athens at the School of Fine Arts in April 2014. The three-day meeting gathered over 30 different anti-fascist groups from 20 European countries, very keen to share their experience and exchange modes of action in the various open workshops and assemblies held.

Moreover, the Athens area of Agios Panteleimonas, once a lair of Golden Dawn, has now been enriched with a new anti-fascist, anti-authoritarian, anarchist free social space called Distomo to commemorate the massacres by the Nazis during WWII.  The anti-fascist counter-demonstration against the Nazi gathering on the day of Imia on January 31, 2015 drew hundreds of people and numerous organizations from the entire anarchist and left spectrum.

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The trial in context

Golden Dawn members were arrested with the charge of having set up a criminal organization, with the charges extending also to manslaughter, blackmail and money laundering. After investigating more than one hundred cases, magistrates have now completed case files for 78 defendants, 30 of whom are detained, including 8 out of the 16 members of Golden Dawn’s parliamentary group. The case file includes the murder of Pavlos Fyssas, the attack against PAME billposters, the raid against Egyptian fishermen, the attacks against the Antipnoia social center, the attack against the Synergeio social center (which had previously been filed under unknown perpetrators, despite the links established with Golden Dawn MPs), an attack against a student in P. Faliro and foreign workers in Crete, and the assassination of Pakistani cyclist Shehzad Luqman.

Moreover, the treatment of Golden Dawn members in jail seems to be different from that of other prisoners. Their transfer to the women’s prison in Korydallos raised complaints by other prisoners for, among other things, racist and sexist remarks and lack of space, considering that one wing that would fit 100 female prisoners has been reserved for Golden Dawn members. It is not a coincidence that more than one year after their arrest the trial has not begun yet and detained MPs were recently given leave to vote — fully retaining their parliamentary status — in the elections for a President of the Republic, causing turmoil in Parliament.

Even the trial itself gives the impression of a staged performance, orchestrated by the deep state itself that led to the emergence of the extreme-right group. The Nazi organization will be prosecuted under the non-revised version of article 187 of the Criminal Code on criminal organizations. This article has since been extended with article 187a on terrorist acts and will apply to Nikos Romanos and other anarchists arrested after the Velvendo bank robbery. In the eyes of young aspiring lawyers, as we recently witnessed during the occupation of the Law School to defend his hunger strike, anarchist Nikos Romanos is already deemed a ‘terrorist’. In the name of security and the climate of fear injected into society, an autonomous action is to be penalized on stricter terms than the concerted and repeated violence of a political party.

However, going into too much detail about the basis for the conviction would run the risk of comparing the pros and cons of two institutional arrangements — non-revised article 187 or revised article 187a on terrorist organizations creating special conditions for non-compliant subjects — that give fertile ground to convictions based on ‘thought crimes’. The movement fights strongly against this. Criminal responsibility should be individualized and linked with certain motives. Therefore, the dispersion of criminal responsibility from the top to the bottom is not recommended from both a political and a legal point of view, as it would open a dangerous path. Thus, the most appropriate way to act is from the bottom to the top. Rather than being punished for their ideas, a sounder base in terms of justice would be to punish Golden Dawn members for their actions.

Concluding remarks

A year and a half after their arrest and after two elections while in jail, the national elections of January 2015 still confirmed Golden Dawn’s relatively strong electoral base, with the party obtaining 6.28% of the vote and 17 seats in Parliament, becoming the third biggest political force in the country. This good showing could be the result of people voting for an extreme-right party to rival the left, or it could be just another example of how prison produces ‘heroes’ in the eyes of some people. It also confirms that a long-term solution is not likely to be found solely by addressing the legal aspect of the Golden Dawn issue, as such an approach will not achieve more than to sweep the beast of right-wing extremism under the rug.

Banning the party would be misleading, because it could reappear under a different name and we would constantly be faced with the same situation. We already witnessed this back in 2005, when — after an anarchist attack against Golden Dawn offices — the Nazis were provisionally forced to change their nameto ‘Patriotic Alliance’ and relocate. Beyond this, no form of thinking should be banned, let alone by a court ruling. Errors in the system are the ones that drive it. However, when a system’s foundation is unsound, it will have to be rebooted — and the very core of Nazi thinking shows how unsound the system has become. By its very nature, Nazi philosophy goes against the survival of humankind.

Violence against difference means violence against our co-inhabitants of this planet. This contradicts every notion of the human as a social being, tending to present man as an isolated, self-centered individual who is only concerned about its own needs, showing total disrespect for the collective well-being. Against all odds and fatalistic attitudes, a sound part of Greek and European society still fights for a different kind of organization, through social emancipation, consistent struggles for the preservation of nature, collective pharmacies and medical centers, solidarity structures, free social centers and the adoption of fairer practices for a better world.

https://roarmag.org/2015/02/greece-golden-dawn-prosecution/

The speech of Richard Stallman was held in Athens at B-FEST 2, on 28/5/10.
Title: “Copyrights against community”

Η ομιλία του Ρίτσαρντ Στάλμαν στην Αθήνα στο B-FEST 2, στις 28/5/10.
Τίτλος: «Η ΠΝΕΥΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΙΔΙΟΚΤΗΣΙΑ ΕΝΑΝΤΙΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ»
Ομιλητής: ΡΙΤΣΑΡΝΤ ΣΤΑΛΜΑΝ
Εισηγητές: Αντώνης Μπρούμας & Δημήτρης Δασκαρόλης

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